Hace cien años nació Woody Guthrie, considerado el padre de la canción de protesta, un fenómeno cultural tan estadounidense como el jazz, el blues o el rock 'n' roll.
A fines del Siglo XIX ya habían aparecido las llamadas canciones sindicalistas en el país, pero se considera que la moderna canción de protesta nació con Guthrie a fines de los treinta.
Por esos años Guthrie se hizo cantautor, cuando la Gran Depresión golpeaba duramente a Estados Unidos tras el colapso del mercado de valores de Wall Street.
Fueron tiempos duros: dentro del país había desempleo, pobreza y protestas populares. Afuera, las tensiones que finalmente llevarían a la Segunda Guerra Mundial.
De ese caldo surgió la música de Guthrie y su legado trascendió tiempo y fronteras impactando artísticamente a cantantes como Bob Dylan, Bruce Springsteen o John Mellencamp, entre muchos otros.
En América Latina influenció a artistas como los argentinos Mercedes Sosa y León Gieco, y el chileno Victor Jara, icono de la lucha contra el gobierno militar de Augusto Pinochet.
De cuna revolucionaria
Guthrie nació en Okemah, Oklahoma, el 14 de julio de 1912, casualmente el día de la Toma de la Bastilla, al inicio de la Revolución Francesa, símbolo universal de la insurgencia del poder popular.
Y tal parece que llevaba algo de ese sentimiento revolucionario en la sangre, de la misma manera que siempre llevó su credencial de "antifacista"- "máquina para "matar facistas" decía una etiqueta adhesiva en su guitarra.
Conexión mexicana
Guthrie escribió la letra de la canción "Deportee (Plane Wreck At Los Gatos)", a raíz del accidente de un avión en 1948, que llevaba a 28 campesinos mexicanos que eran deportados.
Una década más tarde, Martin Hoffmann le puso música y entre quienes la cantaron figura Pete Seeger, con una versión en un disco en vivo con León Gieco.
Sus padres lo bautizaron como Woodrow Wilson Guthrie en honor al recién electo presidente demócrata, a quien muchos consideraban entonces un paladín de las causas populares.
Su primer intento de dedicarse a la música fracasó, precisamente a causa de la Gran Depresión y del llamado Dust Bowl, un fenómeno atmosférico caracterizado por sequías y gigantescas tormentas de arena que arrasó con la agricultura del centro-oeste de EE.UU..
Arruinado, Guthrie marchó a California, junto con otros granjeros y desempleados del Medio Oeste.
Allí fue testigo de la tremenda pobreza de sus compatriotas, se identificó con ellos y empezó a escribir poemas y canciones en las que desahogaba su odio a la explotación.
Era el año de 1937. Trabajaba para una emisora radial de un dirigente del ala izquierda del Partido Demócrata.
Además escribía una columna de opinión para el periódico del Partido Comunista, al que sin embargo nunca se afilió.
Dos años después se mudó a Nueva York, donde se integró en el ambiente político izquierdista e hizo sus primeras grabaciones importantes.
Fue en 1940 cuando escribió su composición más famosa: "This Land Is Your Land", en la que denunciaba las desigualdades sociales.
Por esa época conoció a Pete Seeger, con quien integró el grupo The Almanac Singers y quien alcanzaría más fama que Guthrie, debido en parte a su longevidad.
Renacimiento folk
A fines de la década de los 40 el cantautor empezó a sufrir los estragos de una extraña enfermedad... Leer más en la BBC
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Woody Guthrie. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta Woody Guthrie. Mostrar todas las entradas
sábado, 14 de julio de 2012
sábado, 30 de junio de 2012
Lo que no se dijo en España sobre Bruce Springsteen
No me tendría que haber sorprendido, pero me sorprendió ver la manera como la mayoría de los medios de información de mayor difusión españoles cubrieron la visita de Bruce Springsteen (BS a partir de ahora) a España en su ciclo de conciertos. Salvo contadísimas excepciones, la figura y la música de tal cantautor se presentó analizando su calidad musical sin referirse al significado de su música y de su narrativa, imposible de entender sin referirse al contexto político que lo configura. Esta manera de cubrir la música es semejante, en la esfera pictórica, a analizar el Guernica de Picasso sin hacer referencia al bombardeo nazi de la ciudad vasca Guernica. Es imposible entender la música de BS (o de cualquier otro cantante) sin conocer el contexto que la ha ido configurando durante su vida artística. Veamos.
Bruce Springsteen nació en uno de los Estados más industriales de EEUU, Nueva Jersey, en un pueblo llamado Long Branch, de un padre de clase trabajadora que hizo muchos tipos de trabajo durante su vida (desde trabajador textil a conductor de camiones) y de una madre, secretaria, que le influenció enormemente. En su pueblo había una estratificación clara del territorio según clase social y raza. Esta estratificación territorial jugaba un papel clave en dividir a la clase trabajadora según su raza. En su juventud y adolescencia BS fue un rebelde sin conocer, sin embargo, de dónde venía ni a dónde quería ir. Le gustaba la música rock y sus primeros pasos eran de crítica a la música del movimiento estudiantil (de procedencia burguesa, pequeño burguesa y clase media profesional de renta alta) que había hecho de los conciertos y música de Woodstock un símbolo. Su rechazo a la cultura de la droga y del hedonismo que representaba aquella cultura, así como el concepto de libertad que tenía, interpretándola como la satisfacción del individuo (“hacer lo que te dé la gana”) sin frenos y responsabilidades colectivas, marcó sus canciones iniciales como Take LSD and Off the Pigs, que eran una protesta frente a los flower children (los niños flores) de Berkeley y de toda California. Era, sin definirlo así, una lucha de clases dentro del movimiento de protesta. Aunque Bruce Springsteen no había desarrollado todavía su conciencia de clase, su discurso, lírica y narrativa eran de protesta de clase frente a una cultura también anti establishment, pero marcada por el privilegio de clase. Su lírica y narrativa se separaba de la de Joan Baez o Bob Dylan, que representaban el movimiento pacifista, basado en un mundo estudiantil de base universitaria. En Born to Run era una voz alternativa que hablaba directamente a y desde la clase trabajadora, olvidada en las canciones del movimiento pacifista.
Su voz de protesta fue recuperando la tradición fundada por el gran punto de referencia en la música popular de EEUU, Woody Guthrie, y más tarde Pete Seeger, ambos marginados durante muchos años por su pertenencia al Partido Comunista de EEUU. Esta evolución le llevó a escribir Born in the US, inspirado en el libro de Ron Kovic, Born in the Fourth of July, que analiza críticamente la experiencia de un trabajador durante la Guerra del Vietnam. Como civil y como soldado (se olvida en Europa que los que luchan en las guerras del Imperio son hijos de la clase trabajadora estadounidense). Esta voz de protesta intenta denunciar el falso patriotismo del establishment americano, pero lo hizo con cierta ambigüedad que explica que incluso el presidente Reagan, que es el prototipo de este falso patriotismo, intentara utilizar tal canción en su campaña, creando una protesta por parte de él frente a la manipulación política por parte del Partido Republicano. El intento de identificar el país, EEUU, con la clase trabajadora, auténtica constructora del país, con su diversidad étnica y de razas, aparece más claramente en sus discos posteriores. Su Ghost of Tom Joad es, como han documentado Eric Alterman y otros analistas de la poesía y música de BS, el equivalente de The Grapes of Wrath de John Steinbeck. En este disco ya desaparecen todas las ambigüedades y llama a las cosas por su nombre, enriqueciendo una larga lista de aportaciones a la lírica y a la música estadounidense, de clara tradición popular, cuyo mayor componente es la clase trabajadora (por cierto, es importante clarificar que cuando en EEUU se le pregunta a la ciudadanía “usted, ¿qué es? ¿clase alta? ¿clase media? ¿clase baja?”, la mayoría se autodefine de clase media. Cuando se le pregunta, sin embargo, “usted es ¿clase corporativa (Corporate Class, equivalente a la burguesía)? ¿clase media?, o ¿clase trabajadora?” la mayoría contesta clase trabajadora. Un tanto parecido ocurre en España).
En 2008 apoyó al candidato Obama, siendo el momento álgido de la campaña presidencial el festival frente al monumento a Lincoln el día antes de su nombramiento como presidente de EEUU, en que frente a Obama había una multitud de casi medio millón de personas. Springsteen terminó su concierto cantando con Peter Seeger el himno de la izquierda estadounidense This Land is your Land, cantándolo por primera vez en EEUU con los versos completos de la canción (escrita por Woody Guthrie) que habían sido vetados durante todos los años de la Guerra Fría que todavía no habían terminado. Los que estábamos allí nunca lo olvidaremos.
Vincenç Navarro. Público.
Fuente: http://blogs.publico.es/dominiopublico/5410/lo-que-no-se-dijo-en-espana-sobre-springsteen/
Bruce Springsteen nació en uno de los Estados más industriales de EEUU, Nueva Jersey, en un pueblo llamado Long Branch, de un padre de clase trabajadora que hizo muchos tipos de trabajo durante su vida (desde trabajador textil a conductor de camiones) y de una madre, secretaria, que le influenció enormemente. En su pueblo había una estratificación clara del territorio según clase social y raza. Esta estratificación territorial jugaba un papel clave en dividir a la clase trabajadora según su raza. En su juventud y adolescencia BS fue un rebelde sin conocer, sin embargo, de dónde venía ni a dónde quería ir. Le gustaba la música rock y sus primeros pasos eran de crítica a la música del movimiento estudiantil (de procedencia burguesa, pequeño burguesa y clase media profesional de renta alta) que había hecho de los conciertos y música de Woodstock un símbolo. Su rechazo a la cultura de la droga y del hedonismo que representaba aquella cultura, así como el concepto de libertad que tenía, interpretándola como la satisfacción del individuo (“hacer lo que te dé la gana”) sin frenos y responsabilidades colectivas, marcó sus canciones iniciales como Take LSD and Off the Pigs, que eran una protesta frente a los flower children (los niños flores) de Berkeley y de toda California. Era, sin definirlo así, una lucha de clases dentro del movimiento de protesta. Aunque Bruce Springsteen no había desarrollado todavía su conciencia de clase, su discurso, lírica y narrativa eran de protesta de clase frente a una cultura también anti establishment, pero marcada por el privilegio de clase. Su lírica y narrativa se separaba de la de Joan Baez o Bob Dylan, que representaban el movimiento pacifista, basado en un mundo estudiantil de base universitaria. En Born to Run era una voz alternativa que hablaba directamente a y desde la clase trabajadora, olvidada en las canciones del movimiento pacifista.
Su voz de protesta fue recuperando la tradición fundada por el gran punto de referencia en la música popular de EEUU, Woody Guthrie, y más tarde Pete Seeger, ambos marginados durante muchos años por su pertenencia al Partido Comunista de EEUU. Esta evolución le llevó a escribir Born in the US, inspirado en el libro de Ron Kovic, Born in the Fourth of July, que analiza críticamente la experiencia de un trabajador durante la Guerra del Vietnam. Como civil y como soldado (se olvida en Europa que los que luchan en las guerras del Imperio son hijos de la clase trabajadora estadounidense). Esta voz de protesta intenta denunciar el falso patriotismo del establishment americano, pero lo hizo con cierta ambigüedad que explica que incluso el presidente Reagan, que es el prototipo de este falso patriotismo, intentara utilizar tal canción en su campaña, creando una protesta por parte de él frente a la manipulación política por parte del Partido Republicano. El intento de identificar el país, EEUU, con la clase trabajadora, auténtica constructora del país, con su diversidad étnica y de razas, aparece más claramente en sus discos posteriores. Su Ghost of Tom Joad es, como han documentado Eric Alterman y otros analistas de la poesía y música de BS, el equivalente de The Grapes of Wrath de John Steinbeck. En este disco ya desaparecen todas las ambigüedades y llama a las cosas por su nombre, enriqueciendo una larga lista de aportaciones a la lírica y a la música estadounidense, de clara tradición popular, cuyo mayor componente es la clase trabajadora (por cierto, es importante clarificar que cuando en EEUU se le pregunta a la ciudadanía “usted, ¿qué es? ¿clase alta? ¿clase media? ¿clase baja?”, la mayoría se autodefine de clase media. Cuando se le pregunta, sin embargo, “usted es ¿clase corporativa (Corporate Class, equivalente a la burguesía)? ¿clase media?, o ¿clase trabajadora?” la mayoría contesta clase trabajadora. Un tanto parecido ocurre en España).
En 2008 apoyó al candidato Obama, siendo el momento álgido de la campaña presidencial el festival frente al monumento a Lincoln el día antes de su nombramiento como presidente de EEUU, en que frente a Obama había una multitud de casi medio millón de personas. Springsteen terminó su concierto cantando con Peter Seeger el himno de la izquierda estadounidense This Land is your Land, cantándolo por primera vez en EEUU con los versos completos de la canción (escrita por Woody Guthrie) que habían sido vetados durante todos los años de la Guerra Fría que todavía no habían terminado. Los que estábamos allí nunca lo olvidaremos.
Vincenç Navarro. Público.
Fuente: http://blogs.publico.es/dominiopublico/5410/lo-que-no-se-dijo-en-espana-sobre-springsteen/
miércoles, 28 de diciembre de 2011
Bound for Local Glory at Last
TULSA, Okla. — Oklahoma has always had a troubled relationship with her native son Woody Guthrie. The communist sympathies of America’s balladeer infuriated local detractors. In 1999 a wealthy donor’s objections forced the Cowboy Museum in Oklahoma City to cancel a planned exhibition on Guthrie organized by the Smithsonian Institution. It wasn’t until 2006, nearly four decades after his death, that the Oklahoma Hall of Fame got around to adding him to its ranks.
But as places from California to the New York island get ready to celebrate the centennial of Guthrie’s birth, in 2012, Oklahoma is finally ready to welcome him home. The George Kaiser Family Foundation in Tulsa plans to announce this week that it is buying the Guthrie archives from his children and building an exhibition and study center to honor his legacy.
“Oklahoma was like his mother,” said his daughter Nora Guthrie, throwing back her tangle of gray curls as she reached out in an embrace. “Now he’s back in his mother’s arms.”
The archive includes the astonishing creative output of Guthrie during his 55 years. There are scores of notebooks and diaries written in his precise handwriting and illustrated with cartoons, watercolors, stickers and clippings; hundreds of letters; 581 artworks; a half-dozen scrapbooks; unpublished short stories, novels and essays; as well as the lyrics to the 3,000 or more songs he scribbled on scraps of paper, gift wrap, napkins, paper bags and place mats. Much of the material has rarely or never been seen in public, including the lyrics to most of the songs. Guthrie could not write musical notation, so the melodies have been lost.
The foundation, which paid $3 million for the archives, is planning a kickoff celebration on March 10, with a conference in conjunction with the University of Tulsa and a concert sponsored by the Grammy Museum featuring his son Arlo Guthrie and other musicians. Although the collection won’t be transferred until 2013, preparations for its arrival are already in motion. Construction workers are clearing out piles of red brick and wire mesh from the loading dock in the northeast end of the old Tulsa Paper Company building, in the Brady District of the city, where the planned Guthrie Center is taking shape. The center is part of an ambitious plan to revitalize the downtown arts community.
Now that the back walls are punched out, workers trucking wheelbarrows of concrete can look across the tracks to the tower built by BOK Financial, which George Kaiser, whose foundation bears his name, presides over as chairman. Forbes magazine ranks Mr. Kaiser as the richest man in Oklahoma and No. 31 on its Forbes 400 list.
Ken Levit, the foundation’s executive director, said he thought of doing something for Guthrie after the Hall of Fame induction. Nowhere in Tulsa, he said, is there even a plaque paying homage to this folk legend, who composed “This Land Is Your Land”; performed with Pete Seeger and Lead Belly; wrote the fictionalized autobiography “Bound for Glory”; and sang at countless strikes and migrant labor protests in the 1930s and ’40s. Mr. Levit began a more than three-year campaign to win the consent of Ms. Guthrie, who had taken custody of the boxes that her mother, Marjorie Guthrie, had stowed away in the basement of her home in Howard Beach, Queens.
Ms. Guthrie, who as one of Guthrie’s youngest children, didn’t really know her father until Huntington’s disease began to rob him of his sanity, movement and speech many years before his death, in 1967, said she only rediscovered the kind of man he once was when she started to page through the boxes about 15 years ago.
“I fell in love through this material with my father,” Ms. Guthrie, 61, a former dancer, said from her office in Mount Kisco, N.Y.
Her older brothers Arlo and Joady were happy to have her take custody of the papers. Of Arlo, she said, “He was filled up with being Woody Guthrie’s son, so he was glad the responsibility moved to me.”
She said the information contained in the archives can clear up misconceptions about her father that she has frequently heard at scholarly conferences and read in articles, including that he didn’t write love songs or sexually provocative lyrics. She has also opened up his notebooks to contemporary musicians like Billy Bragg and Wilco, Jackson Browne, Rob Wasserman, Lou Reed and Tom Morello so that they could compose music to her father’s words.
One of those artists, Jonatha Brooke, is starting off the Guthrie Foundation and Grammy Museum’s yearlong centennial celebrations on Jan. 18 at Lincoln Center with a concert of new songs she wrote for the lyrics.
Woody Guthrie’s music has also had added play time this year as Arlo Guthrie, Mr. Seeger, and other musicians have sung his protest songs at Occupy Wall Street demonstrations in New York and elsewhere.
While this poor folks’ hero and the richest man in Oklahoma might not seem to have much in common, Mr. Kaiser’s foundation, with its $4 billion endowment, is dedicated to helping Tulsa’s most disadvantaged. “I cried for an hour after meeting George Kaiser,” Ms. Guthrie said. “This uts together what I’ve always dreamed of.”
Brian Hosmer, a history professor at the University of Tulsa who is organizing the March conference — ironically titled “Different Shades of Red” — said Guthrie’s legacy is contested in some quarters.
“There is no doubt there will be some voices in opposition to the way Guthrie is being emphasized — Oklahoma is about the reddest state you can have,” Mr. Hosmer explained, referring to its conservatism. “And when Woody Guthrie was a boy, Oklahoma was also the reddest state because we had more socialists elected to public office than any other.”
Guthrie always said he was influenced by the songs he had heard his mother sing in his hometown, Okemah, about an hour’s drive from Tulsa, with a population of 3,000. His radicalism offended local officials, who scorned Guthrie until an Okemah resident, Sharon Jones, decided to do something about it in the late 1990s. One of her cousins, an avid Guthrie fan, came to visit and was shocked there wasn’t a single mention of her idol. So Ms. Jones, who died in 2009, created the Woody Guthrie Coalition, which organized an annual folk festival, called WoodyFest, around his birthday on July 14, as well as a statue, a mural and a memorial. Sensitive to the area’s Baptist beliefs (including Ms. Jones’s), no alcohol was permitted at the celebration until this year.
Dee Jones, Sharon’s husband, explained that Guthrie “was kind of taboo because some influential people in this town thought Woody Guthrie had communist leanings.” But once the community realized that the 3,000 or so attendees brought in business, everyone got behind it, Mr. Jones said.
A couple of blocks from the memorial statue, visitors can run a finger along the fading letters “W-O-O-D-Y” on a fragment of Main Street’s original sidewalk, where the 16-year-old Guthrie signed his name in wet cement in 1928.
Mary Jo Guthrie Edgmon, Woody’s 90-year-old sister, always hosts a pancake breakfast during the four-day music festival. A white-haired, elfin woman with a persistent smile and a sharp wit, Ms. Edgmon remembered how her brother was always making music.
“You’d sit down at the dinner table, and there’d be glasses of water, and he’d pick up a fork and play the glasses all around the table,” she said. “If it made music, he played it.”
Reciting snatches of Guthrie’s poetry and songs, Ms. Edgmon said her brother never cared what people thought of him and did not necessarily hold a particular affection for his birthplace. “He didn’t get attached to anything,” she said. “Everywhere was his home.”
Still, after so many years of Oklahomans’ snubbing her brother’s memory, she said the whole family was thrilled he was being honored: “What we were all shooting for,” she said, “was acknowledgment.”By PATRICIA COHEN, NYT.
But as places from California to the New York island get ready to celebrate the centennial of Guthrie’s birth, in 2012, Oklahoma is finally ready to welcome him home. The George Kaiser Family Foundation in Tulsa plans to announce this week that it is buying the Guthrie archives from his children and building an exhibition and study center to honor his legacy.
“Oklahoma was like his mother,” said his daughter Nora Guthrie, throwing back her tangle of gray curls as she reached out in an embrace. “Now he’s back in his mother’s arms.”
The archive includes the astonishing creative output of Guthrie during his 55 years. There are scores of notebooks and diaries written in his precise handwriting and illustrated with cartoons, watercolors, stickers and clippings; hundreds of letters; 581 artworks; a half-dozen scrapbooks; unpublished short stories, novels and essays; as well as the lyrics to the 3,000 or more songs he scribbled on scraps of paper, gift wrap, napkins, paper bags and place mats. Much of the material has rarely or never been seen in public, including the lyrics to most of the songs. Guthrie could not write musical notation, so the melodies have been lost.
The foundation, which paid $3 million for the archives, is planning a kickoff celebration on March 10, with a conference in conjunction with the University of Tulsa and a concert sponsored by the Grammy Museum featuring his son Arlo Guthrie and other musicians. Although the collection won’t be transferred until 2013, preparations for its arrival are already in motion. Construction workers are clearing out piles of red brick and wire mesh from the loading dock in the northeast end of the old Tulsa Paper Company building, in the Brady District of the city, where the planned Guthrie Center is taking shape. The center is part of an ambitious plan to revitalize the downtown arts community.
Now that the back walls are punched out, workers trucking wheelbarrows of concrete can look across the tracks to the tower built by BOK Financial, which George Kaiser, whose foundation bears his name, presides over as chairman. Forbes magazine ranks Mr. Kaiser as the richest man in Oklahoma and No. 31 on its Forbes 400 list.
Ken Levit, the foundation’s executive director, said he thought of doing something for Guthrie after the Hall of Fame induction. Nowhere in Tulsa, he said, is there even a plaque paying homage to this folk legend, who composed “This Land Is Your Land”; performed with Pete Seeger and Lead Belly; wrote the fictionalized autobiography “Bound for Glory”; and sang at countless strikes and migrant labor protests in the 1930s and ’40s. Mr. Levit began a more than three-year campaign to win the consent of Ms. Guthrie, who had taken custody of the boxes that her mother, Marjorie Guthrie, had stowed away in the basement of her home in Howard Beach, Queens.
Ms. Guthrie, who as one of Guthrie’s youngest children, didn’t really know her father until Huntington’s disease began to rob him of his sanity, movement and speech many years before his death, in 1967, said she only rediscovered the kind of man he once was when she started to page through the boxes about 15 years ago.
“I fell in love through this material with my father,” Ms. Guthrie, 61, a former dancer, said from her office in Mount Kisco, N.Y.
Her older brothers Arlo and Joady were happy to have her take custody of the papers. Of Arlo, she said, “He was filled up with being Woody Guthrie’s son, so he was glad the responsibility moved to me.”
She said the information contained in the archives can clear up misconceptions about her father that she has frequently heard at scholarly conferences and read in articles, including that he didn’t write love songs or sexually provocative lyrics. She has also opened up his notebooks to contemporary musicians like Billy Bragg and Wilco, Jackson Browne, Rob Wasserman, Lou Reed and Tom Morello so that they could compose music to her father’s words.
One of those artists, Jonatha Brooke, is starting off the Guthrie Foundation and Grammy Museum’s yearlong centennial celebrations on Jan. 18 at Lincoln Center with a concert of new songs she wrote for the lyrics.
Woody Guthrie’s music has also had added play time this year as Arlo Guthrie, Mr. Seeger, and other musicians have sung his protest songs at Occupy Wall Street demonstrations in New York and elsewhere.
While this poor folks’ hero and the richest man in Oklahoma might not seem to have much in common, Mr. Kaiser’s foundation, with its $4 billion endowment, is dedicated to helping Tulsa’s most disadvantaged. “I cried for an hour after meeting George Kaiser,” Ms. Guthrie said. “This uts together what I’ve always dreamed of.”
Brian Hosmer, a history professor at the University of Tulsa who is organizing the March conference — ironically titled “Different Shades of Red” — said Guthrie’s legacy is contested in some quarters.
“There is no doubt there will be some voices in opposition to the way Guthrie is being emphasized — Oklahoma is about the reddest state you can have,” Mr. Hosmer explained, referring to its conservatism. “And when Woody Guthrie was a boy, Oklahoma was also the reddest state because we had more socialists elected to public office than any other.”
Guthrie always said he was influenced by the songs he had heard his mother sing in his hometown, Okemah, about an hour’s drive from Tulsa, with a population of 3,000. His radicalism offended local officials, who scorned Guthrie until an Okemah resident, Sharon Jones, decided to do something about it in the late 1990s. One of her cousins, an avid Guthrie fan, came to visit and was shocked there wasn’t a single mention of her idol. So Ms. Jones, who died in 2009, created the Woody Guthrie Coalition, which organized an annual folk festival, called WoodyFest, around his birthday on July 14, as well as a statue, a mural and a memorial. Sensitive to the area’s Baptist beliefs (including Ms. Jones’s), no alcohol was permitted at the celebration until this year.
Dee Jones, Sharon’s husband, explained that Guthrie “was kind of taboo because some influential people in this town thought Woody Guthrie had communist leanings.” But once the community realized that the 3,000 or so attendees brought in business, everyone got behind it, Mr. Jones said.
A couple of blocks from the memorial statue, visitors can run a finger along the fading letters “W-O-O-D-Y” on a fragment of Main Street’s original sidewalk, where the 16-year-old Guthrie signed his name in wet cement in 1928.
Mary Jo Guthrie Edgmon, Woody’s 90-year-old sister, always hosts a pancake breakfast during the four-day music festival. A white-haired, elfin woman with a persistent smile and a sharp wit, Ms. Edgmon remembered how her brother was always making music.
“You’d sit down at the dinner table, and there’d be glasses of water, and he’d pick up a fork and play the glasses all around the table,” she said. “If it made music, he played it.”
Reciting snatches of Guthrie’s poetry and songs, Ms. Edgmon said her brother never cared what people thought of him and did not necessarily hold a particular affection for his birthplace. “He didn’t get attached to anything,” she said. “Everywhere was his home.”
Still, after so many years of Oklahomans’ snubbing her brother’s memory, she said the whole family was thrilled he was being honored: “What we were all shooting for,” she said, “was acknowledgment.”By PATRICIA COHEN, NYT.
miércoles, 17 de junio de 2009
Pete Seeger el rebelde que llegó a los 90 años
Nueva York celebró (03-05-2009) con un concierto el cumpleaños del músico
BARBARA CELIS - Nueva York - 03/05/2009
El pasado enero, cuando Barack Obama celebró su toma de posesión en Washington, sobre las escaleras del Lincoln Memorial apareció un personaje de barba blanca, sonrisa amplia y aspecto poco glamouroso que no se correspondía con la media de celebridades pulcrísimas, tipo Bono o Beyoncé, que acababan de cantar en honor del presidente. Aquel hombre era Pete Seeger, de 89 años.
Para quienes conocen mínimamente la historia de la música estadounidense de las últimas décadas, su presencia sobre aquel escenario fue quizás el mayor motivo para aplaudir en aquel concierto. Colocar en aquella situación a este cantante folk, activista y pacifista, perseguido en los cincuenta por la caza de brujas de McCarthy, censurado durante años por comunista y, sin embargo, admirado por diversas generaciones de músicos por el valor de sus letras y sus acciones, era un atrevimiento. Escucharle cantar el clásico This land is your land (himno reivindicativo de la izquierda de Estados Unidos) de su legendario amigo Woody Guthrie en honor a Obama podía interpretarse como toda una declaración de intenciones obamianas.
(si desea seguir leyendo cliquea el títular)
BARBARA CELIS - Nueva York - 03/05/2009
El pasado enero, cuando Barack Obama celebró su toma de posesión en Washington, sobre las escaleras del Lincoln Memorial apareció un personaje de barba blanca, sonrisa amplia y aspecto poco glamouroso que no se correspondía con la media de celebridades pulcrísimas, tipo Bono o Beyoncé, que acababan de cantar en honor del presidente. Aquel hombre era Pete Seeger, de 89 años.
Para quienes conocen mínimamente la historia de la música estadounidense de las últimas décadas, su presencia sobre aquel escenario fue quizás el mayor motivo para aplaudir en aquel concierto. Colocar en aquella situación a este cantante folk, activista y pacifista, perseguido en los cincuenta por la caza de brujas de McCarthy, censurado durante años por comunista y, sin embargo, admirado por diversas generaciones de músicos por el valor de sus letras y sus acciones, era un atrevimiento. Escucharle cantar el clásico This land is your land (himno reivindicativo de la izquierda de Estados Unidos) de su legendario amigo Woody Guthrie en honor a Obama podía interpretarse como toda una declaración de intenciones obamianas.
(si desea seguir leyendo cliquea el títular)
sábado, 9 de mayo de 2009
Song Of The Lincoln Brigade, Woody Guthrie
Songs Of The Lincoln Brigade
Three-verse versions: Jarama Valley / El Valle del Jarama
This shorter (three-verse) version of the song—with variant versions —are something of an anthem for veterans, particularly those from the Abraham Lincoln Battalion. Woody Guthrie and Pete Seeger have recorded it. In addition to this version, other Spanish variants exist.
Jarama Valley
There's a valley in Spain called Jarama
It's a place that we all know so well
It was there that we gave of our manhood
And so many of our brave comrades fell.
We are proud of the Lincoln Battalion
And the fight for Madrid that it made
There we fought like true sons of the people
As part of the Fifteenth Brigade.
Now we're far from that valley of sorrow
But its memory we ne'er will forget
So before we conclude this reunion
Let us stand to our glorious dead.
Letra de Jarama Valley
There's a valley in Spain called Jarama
It's a place that we all know so well
It was there that we fought against the Fascists
We saw a peacful valley turn to hell
From this valley they say we are going
But don't hasten to bid us adieu
Even though we lost the battle at Jarama
We'll set this valley free 'fore we're through
We were men of the Lincoln Battalion
We're proud of the fight that we made
We know that you people of the valley
Will remember our Lincoln Brigade
From this valley they say we are going
But don't hasten to bid us adieu
Even though we lost the battle at Jarama
We'll set this valley free 'fore we're through
You will never find peace with these Fascists
You'll never find friends such as we
So remember that valley of Jarama
And the people that'll set that valley free
From this valley they say we are going
Don't hasten to bid us adieu
Even though we lost the battle at Jarama
We'll set this valley free 'fore we're through
All this world is like this valley called Jarama
So green and so bright and so fair
No fascists can dwell in our valley
Nor breathe in our new freedom's air
From this valley they say we are going
Do not hasten to bid us adieu
Even though we lost the battle at Jarama
We'll set this valley free 'fore we're through
El Valle del Jarama
Hay un valle en España llamado Jarama
es un lugar que nosotros conocemos bien.
Fue allí donde dimos nuestra virilidad
y donde cayeron nuestros valientes camaradas.
Estamos orgullosos del Batallón Lincoln
y de la lucha que hizo por Madrid.
Allí luchamos como verdaderos hijos del pueblo
como parte de la Quince Brigada.
Ahora estamos lejos de aquel valle de dolor
pero su memoria nunca olvidaremos;
Así que antes de que continuemos esta reunión
pongámonos en pie por nuestros gloriosos muertos.
Three-verse versions: Jarama Valley / El Valle del Jarama
This shorter (three-verse) version of the song—with variant versions —are something of an anthem for veterans, particularly those from the Abraham Lincoln Battalion. Woody Guthrie and Pete Seeger have recorded it. In addition to this version, other Spanish variants exist.
Jarama Valley
There's a valley in Spain called Jarama
It's a place that we all know so well
It was there that we gave of our manhood
And so many of our brave comrades fell.
We are proud of the Lincoln Battalion
And the fight for Madrid that it made
There we fought like true sons of the people
As part of the Fifteenth Brigade.
Now we're far from that valley of sorrow
But its memory we ne'er will forget
So before we conclude this reunion
Let us stand to our glorious dead.
Letra de Jarama Valley
There's a valley in Spain called Jarama
It's a place that we all know so well
It was there that we fought against the Fascists
We saw a peacful valley turn to hell
From this valley they say we are going
But don't hasten to bid us adieu
Even though we lost the battle at Jarama
We'll set this valley free 'fore we're through
We were men of the Lincoln Battalion
We're proud of the fight that we made
We know that you people of the valley
Will remember our Lincoln Brigade
From this valley they say we are going
But don't hasten to bid us adieu
Even though we lost the battle at Jarama
We'll set this valley free 'fore we're through
You will never find peace with these Fascists
You'll never find friends such as we
So remember that valley of Jarama
And the people that'll set that valley free
From this valley they say we are going
Don't hasten to bid us adieu
Even though we lost the battle at Jarama
We'll set this valley free 'fore we're through
All this world is like this valley called Jarama
So green and so bright and so fair
No fascists can dwell in our valley
Nor breathe in our new freedom's air
From this valley they say we are going
Do not hasten to bid us adieu
Even though we lost the battle at Jarama
We'll set this valley free 'fore we're through
El Valle del Jarama
Hay un valle en España llamado Jarama
es un lugar que nosotros conocemos bien.
Fue allí donde dimos nuestra virilidad
y donde cayeron nuestros valientes camaradas.
Estamos orgullosos del Batallón Lincoln
y de la lucha que hizo por Madrid.
Allí luchamos como verdaderos hijos del pueblo
como parte de la Quince Brigada.
Ahora estamos lejos de aquel valle de dolor
pero su memoria nunca olvidaremos;
Así que antes de que continuemos esta reunión
pongámonos en pie por nuestros gloriosos muertos.
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